China runaway train ?

David Dredge of global hedge fund Fortress has built a career studying, predicting and protecting against the world’s major financial crises. The recent convulsions in global sharemarkets are “just the beginning” of a painful adjustment as money drains from the emerging market economies, he says.

“August 2015 will go down in the record books, much like July 2007 or July 1997, as the beginning of the coming contractionary cycle,” says Dredge who is the co-chief investment officer of Fortress Convex Asia Fund.

August 2015 will go down in the record books, much like July 2007 or July 1997, as the beginning of the coming contractionary cycle.

David Dredge, Fortress

He’s a believer that markets move in long cycles, which “despite all efforts to the contrary, central bankers have not by any means gotten anywhere close to eliminating”.

Hedge fund Fortress says all emerging economies are in the midst of a painful adjustment after a "burst of credit expansion".Hedge fund Fortress says all emerging economies are in the midst of a painful adjustment after a “burst of credit expansion”. Photo: AP

“Like weathermen have not eliminated seasons,” he says.

Singapore-based Dredge says the current volatility in financial markets is in the early stage as markets react to a correction of global imbalances that will last from18 months to three years.

The global economy is made up of nations with a deficit of capital – the West – and those with a surplus of capital – the East and emerging markets, he explains.

Policy determined by deficit

“The flaw is that those with the surplus have all tied their currency to the main protagonist on the deficit side – the US.

“So monetary policy is determined by the deficit of capital side and flows through the currency linkage, and you end up having some form or another of the same monetary policy on both sides, with economies that are 180 degrees diametric to each other.”

The financial links to easy-money policies in the US have unleashed a burst of credit expansion in emerging markets that has proved unsustainable and is now in the process of unwinding.

That is forcing a painful “market-induced tightening” that will affect  the growth of emerging markets as credit expansion is halted and reverses.

The “simplest measure of these imbalances” is foreign exchange reserves, which have swelled in the past few years but are now being liquidated, tightening financial conditions in emerging markets.

“When the hose is on and credit is pouring from the deficit to the surplus side, the FX [foreign exchange] reserves increase and are indicative of the growing size and the location as to where the imbalances exist – because that’s where the most money is going.”

China’s foreign currency reserves peaked at $US4 trillion ($5.7 trillion) in mid-2014 but have since run down to about $US3.6 trillion.

‘In the inverse of imbalance’

“Each crisis occurred at the peak of FX reserves. The emerging-market FX-reserves graph looks exactly like the US debt to GDP because they are just in the inverse of the imbalance.”

Dredge says that differentiating among emerging economies misses the point of what is occurring. Capital is draining from the emerging markets as conditions have tightened, and has been since the “taper tantrum” of May 2013.

“In December 1999 the point wasn’t whether you should invest in Apple or Microsoft. The point was they were both going down [as the tech bubble deflated]. And that’s where we are now.

“The [credit] contraction might be triggered in China with retail margin lending in the equity market, or in Malaysia with recognition of corruption.

“But the trigger is not what we are trying to compare. It’s the potential risk, which is the excess credit creation in the last cycle. In that sense Brazil, China and Malaysia are all the same.”

Dredge co-manages the Convex Asia fund, a “volatility fund”, which manages about $US200 million and seeks to deliver outsized gains in times of market stress.

Stay ahead of spreading fire

He says he’s attempting to stay ahead of the spreading fire and that means looking for cheap exposures to volatility. Interest rate volatility is low and, while foreign currency volatility may have risen, it is below many of the peaks reached over the past five years. Corporate credit spreads, too, are around post-financial crisis lows despite a fair-sized correction in corresponding equities.

“This is indicative that we’re just at the very beginning of this,” Dredge says.

Where does Australia fit in as the cycle turns dark for emerging markets? We’re special in the sense that we have not pegged our currency to the US.

“It is just about the only non-manipulated currency in the entire world, along with New Zealand. By allowing the currency to move and avoid being a hard linkage to the monetary policy whims of the global reserve currency, it takes a lot of the pressure off.”

But there has still been a build-up of risks as credit has grown virtually interrupted and our economic linkages to China make us vulnerable to, not immune from, any shocks.

“Australia came through many of the last several cycles better than most because most of the volatility was allowed to take place in the currency.

“This has allowed the asset volatility to be far less than it otherwise would have been. But that means credit has built up and imbalances, while far less than they would have been, have been allowed to persist.”

 

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Bubbles oh Bubbles …

The risk that asset price bubbles pose for financial stability is still not clear. Drawing on 140 years of data, this column argues that leverage is the critical determinant of crisis damage. When fuelled by credit booms, asset price bubbles are associated with high financial crisis risk; upon collapse, they coincide with weaker growth and slower recoveries. Highly leveraged housing bubbles are the worst case of all.

Before the Global Crisis, the consensus among policymakers and economists alike was to largely ignore asset price bubbles. Justifications for this neglect differed. Some argued that asset price bubbles couldn’t be reliably detected. Others argued that nothing could or should be done about them since any intervention might be worse than the fallout from the bursting of the bubble. An implicit assumption was that central banks could, in any case, clean up the mess. The aftermath of the dotcom bubble lent support for this optimistic view of a central bank’s capabilities. Some even went so far as to decry the notion that asset bubbles exist.

After the Global Crisis, it has become harder for macroeconomists to treat asset price bubbles as rare exceptions that can be excluded from macroeconomic thinking on axiomatic grounds. In policy circles, Alan Greenspan, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve, very publicly stepped away from old beliefs; he admitted the ‘flaw’ in his worldview, and began to entertain the possibility that central banks might need to pay attention to bubbles.1 Yet, we still know little about the appropriate policy response to developing asset price bubbles. While a consensus is developing that ‘leaning against the wind’ with interest rates is not always a good idea, it remains to be seen if the high hopes that are pinned on macroprudential policy will turn out to be justified (Galí 2014, Svensson 2014).

Credit, asset prices, and economic outcomes: New evidence

To quantify these trade-offs, more empirical work is clearly needed. What risk do asset price bubbles pose to macroeconomic and financial stability? What does the evidence show? In our new research (Jordà et al. 2015), we study the nexus between credit, asset prices, and economic outcomes in advanced economies since 1870.

We rely on a combination and extension of two new long-run macro-finance datasets. In Jordà et al. (2014) we presented the latest version of our long-run credit and macroeconomic dataset in the form of an annual panel of 17 countries since 1870. To study asset price booms we have added equity price data. The second dataset from the study by Knoll et al. (2014) covers house prices since 1870 on an annual basis for the panel of 17 countries and extends coverage by about 50% compared hitherto available data.

Our main findings support the post-crisis consensus that leveraged bubbles must be taken seriously. Mishkin (2008, 2009) and other policymakers have argued that there are two categories of bubbles: unleveraged ‘irrational exuberance’ bubbles and ‘credit boom bubbles’. In the latter, a positive feedback develops that involves credit growth, asset prices, and increasing leverage. When asset markets switch into reverse gear, the balance sheet overhang creates a painful economic hangover.

  • Our study shows that leverage-fuelled asset price bubbles substantially raise the risk of a financial crisis and make recessions considerably more painful.
  • Unleveraged bubbles tend to blow over.

Yet, when credit boom bubbles go bust the macroeconomic consequences are severe.

  • Credit-fed housing bubbles are the most harmful combination of all.

Living in an age of leverage is not without its costs.

Empirical identification of asset price bubbles

The term ‘bubble’ traditionally refers to a situation in which asset prices increasingly deviate away from their fundamental value. Bubbles often end with a crash in asset prices. Determining the fundamental value is not easy since it is not directly observable. Moreover, there is no universally accepted standard definition of bubble phenomena. Studies such as Borio and Lowe (2002), Bordo and Jeanne (2002), Detken and Smets (2004), and Goodhart and Hofmann (2008) have all used either large deviations of price levels from some reference level and/or large rates (or amplitudes) of increase/decrease as indicative of the rise and fall of bubble episodes. We apply a two-pronged approach. We require a spell of sizeable asset price run-up (defined as a price deviation from log HP trend by 1 standard deviation or more) and a collapse in prices of 15% or more during the spell. Figure 1 displays examples of bubbles identified with this procedure.

Figure 1. Examples of bubble identification

Notes: The figures show, for each 10-year window, the log real asset price (rebased to the start year), a band of ±1 standard deviation (for that country’s detrended log real asset price), and the years for which the Bubble Signal is turned on using our algorithm.

Bubbles, credit booms, and financial crises

It is well known that rapid expansions of credit – credit booms – are associated with a higher likelihood of financial crisis (e.g., Schularick and Taylor 2012, Jordà et al. 2013, Drehmann and Juselius 2014). Here, we investigate how the interaction of asset price bubbles and credit booms affects financial stability. As the logit crisis prediction models in Table 1 show, our new research clarifies the results from our previous research. The association of credit and asset price booms is particularly dangerous relative to expansions of credit alone. Housing bubbles more so than equity bubbles.

Table 1. Predicting financial crisis recessions

Notes: Standard errors in parentheses. * p < 0.10, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.01. The dependent variable based on peaks of business cycles identified using Bry and Boschan (1971) algorithm. The dependent variable is one if the recession is associated with a financial crisis within a 2-year window of the peak, 0 otherwise. Bubble episodes are associated with recessions by considering the expansion over which the bubble takes place and using the subsequent peak. See text.

The economic costs of bubbles

The core theme of our new paper is about the connection between asset price bubbles, credit, and the consequences for the real economy. Can asset price bubbles be safely ignored? Does credit make any difference to how we think about the aftermath of bubbles? Are equity bubbles as dangerous as housing price bubbles? Using historical data, we characterise the typical paths of economies through the business cycle when an asset price bubble is involved and where we stratify by the expansion of credit. We apply local-projection methods (Jordà 2005) to calculate the dynamic responses of economies to leveraged and unleveraged bubbles in equity and housing markets.

The key results are presented in Figure 2 for the full sample (N=140 recessions). The left-hand panel shows the average path of real GDP per capita of economies through recessions and recoveries. In normal recessions, the economy shrinks in year 1 and recovers the previous peak level of output in year 2. The other lines show the average path when there is an equity bubble and below/above average credit growth, and the right-hand panel shows a similar chart using the housing bubble indicator instead. Each panel displays the baseline normal recession path with a 90% confidence region.

The basic lessons are as follows:

  • Equity bubbles are damaging.

They are associated with a slightly worse recession and a slower recovery in the full sample. However, we do find that after WWII the damage from equity bubbles does diminish. And even if equity bubbles have a relatively small effect overall, they are clearly associated with more damage when accompanied by above average growth in credit, regardless of the sample studied.

  • The right-hand panel shows that bubbles in housing prices are associated with noticeably worse recession and recovery paths.

Moreover, these effects grow much stronger when credit expands above the historical mean during the preceding expansion. On average, after a credit-fuelled house price bubble, advanced economies have taken more than five years to return to their previous peak level of output.

Figure 2. Economic costs of bubbles (full sample with controls)

Conclusions: Bubble trouble

In this column, we turned to economic history for the first comprehensive assessment of the economic risks of asset price bubbles. We provide evidence about which types of bubbles matter and how their economic costs differ. Our historical analysis shows that not all bubbles are created equal. When credit growth fuels asset price bubbles, the dangers for the financial sector and the real economy are much more substantial. The damage done to the economy by the bursting of credit boom bubbles is significant and long lasting.

In the past decades, central banks typically have taken a hands-off approach to asset price bubbles and credit booms. This way of thinking has been criticised by some institutions, such as the BIS, that took a less rosy view of the self-equilibrating tendencies of financial markets and warned of the potentially grave consequences of leveraged asset price bubbles. The findings presented here can inform ongoing efforts to devise better macro-financial theory and real-world applications at a time when policymakers are still searching for new approaches in the aftermath of the Great Recession.

References

Bordo, M D, and O Jeanne (2002), “Monetary Policy And Asset Prices: Does ‘Benign Neglect’ Make Sense?”, International Finance 5(2): 139–164.

Borio, C, and P Lowe (2002), “Asset prices, financial and monetary stability: exploring the nexus”, BIS Working Paper 114.

Detken, C, and F Smets (2004), “Asset price booms and monetary policy”, in Siebert, H (ed.), Macroeconomic Policies in the World Economy, Berlin: Springer, pp. 189–227.

Drehmann, M, and M Juselius (2014), “Evaluating early warning indicators of banking crises: Satisfying policy requirements”, International Journal of Forecasting 30(3): 759–80.

Galì, J (2014), “Monetary Policy and Rational Asset Price Bubbles”, The American Economic Review 104(3): 721–52.

Goodhart, C, and B Hofmann (2008), “House prices, money, credit, and the macroeconomy”,Oxford Review of Economic Policy 24(1): 180–205.

Jordà, Ò (2005), “Estimation and Inference of Impulse Responses by Local Projections”, The American Economic Review 95(1): 161–82.

Jordà, Ò, M Schularick, and A M Taylor (2013), “When Credit Bites Back”, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 45(s2): 3–28.

Jordà, Ò, M Schularick, and A M Taylor (2014), “The Great Mortgaging: Housing Finance, Crises, and Business Cycles”, NBER Working Papers 20501.

Jordà, Ò, M Schularick, and A M Taylor (2015), “Leveraged Bubbles”, NBER Working Papers 21486.

Knoll, K, M Schularick, and T Steger (2014), “No Price Like Home: Global House Prices, 1870–2012”, CEPR Working Paper 10166.

Mishkin, F S (2008), “How Should We Respond to Asset Price Bubbles?”, Financial Stability Review, Banque de France, vol. 12 (October), pp. 65–74.

Mishkin, F S (2009), “Not all bubbles present a risk to the economy”, Financial Times, November 9, 2009.

Schularick, M, and A M Taylor (2012), “Credit Booms Gone Bust: Monetary Policy, Leverage Cycles, and Financial Crises, 1870–2008”, The American Economic Review 102(2): 1029–61.

Svensson, L E O (2014), “Inflation Targeting and “Leaning against the Wind”, International Journal of Central Banking 10(2): 103–14.

Footnote

1 See, for example, “An interview with Alan Greenspan,” FT Magazine, 25 October, 2013.

( Source : http://www.voxeu.org/article/leveraged-bubbles )

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